导论：洛杉矶汽车依赖的研究框架与核心议题 | Introduction: Research Framework and Core Issues of Automobile Dependence in Los Angeles

2023年10月的一个周二早高峰，洛杉矶405州际公路北向从卡尔弗城（Culver City）至圣费尔南多谷（San Fernando Valley）的路段，实时导航显示的平均车速仅为18英里每小时（约29公里每小时），低于同期洛杉矶县自行车专用道的平均通行速度。镜头拉近可以看到：最左侧的高载客量（HOV）车道里，一名穿着印有Uber Eats标识的拉美裔外卖员骑着电动自行车在车流缝隙中穿行，他的车筐里装着三份即将过期的墨西哥玉米饼订单；中间车道是一辆贴有“拜登2020”贴纸的白色特斯拉Model Y，驾驶位上的白人女性正在用手机参加公司的Zoom晨会；最右侧的通用车道里，一辆2005年的丰田凯美瑞里坐着三名非裔通勤者，他们正在轮流驾驶，这是没有公共交通覆盖的康普顿市（Compton）居民常见的拼车模式；而路边的公交站牌下，一名拿着手杖的韩裔老年居民正盯着迟迟未到的20路公交车的电子显示屏，他需要转乘两次才能到达位于比佛利山庄的子女家，全程耗时超过2小时。这个再寻常不过的早高峰场景，恰好浓缩了洛杉矶汽车依赖的核心张力：它既不是单纯的技术问题，也不是个体“偏好”的产物，而是嵌入在资本积累、空间治理、种族阶级权力互动之中的系统性结构。On a Tuesday morning rush hour in October 2023, the northbound stretch of Interstate 405 in Los Angeles, from Culver City to the San Fernando Valley, showed an average speed of just 18 miles per hour (about 29 km/h) on real-time navigation, slower than the average speed of Los Angeles County’s dedicated bike lanes at the same time. Zooming in reveals: in the leftmost high-occupancy vehicle (HOV) lane, a Latino food delivery worker wearing an Uber Eats vest weaves through traffic on an electric bicycle, his basket holding three orders of corn tortillas that are about to expire; in the middle lane, a white Tesla Model Y with a “Biden 2020” sticker is driven by a white woman who is attending her company’s Zoom morning meeting on her phone; in the rightmost general-purpose lane, three African American commuters are taking turns driving a 2005 Toyota Camry, a common carpool pattern for residents of Compton where public transit coverage is lacking; and at the bus stop by the roadside, a Korean elderly resident with a cane stares at the electronic display of the long-delayed Route 20 bus, which he needs to transfer twice to reach his children’s home in Beverly Hills, a journey that takes more than 2 hours. This all-too-common morning rush hour scene perfectly encapsulates the core tension of automobile dependence in Los Angeles: it is neither a purely technical problem nor a product of individual “preference”, but a systemic structure embedded in capital accumulation, spatial governance, and the interaction of racial and class power.

> 📌 电子版侧边栏提示：上述早高峰场景来自2023年10月洛杉矶交通局公开的实时交通数据，以及笔者2023年对洛杉矶通勤群体的50份访谈记录，完整访谈数据集可通过本书电子版的超链接获取。

洛杉矶是全球汽车文化的发源地，也是全球汽车依赖程度最高的都市区之一：这里诞生了第一条现代高速公路、第一家汽车影院、第一家汽车餐厅，好莱坞电影里的公路旅行符号至今仍是全球流行文化的核心意象。但吊诡的是，洛杉矶县2022年的民用汽车拥有率仅为1.18辆/户，远低于全美平均的1.88辆/户，却有82%的通勤依赖私家车完成，公共交通通勤比例仅为6%，远低于全美平均的12%；洛杉矶县的通勤平均时间为35.2分钟，比全美平均高2.1分钟，其中低收入群体、少数族裔、移民群体的通勤时间比白人高收入群体平均高出47%。Los Angeles is the birthplace of global car culture and one of the most automobile-dependent metropolitan areas in the world: it is home to the first modern highway, the first drive-in movie theater, and the first drive-in restaurant, and the road trip imagery in Hollywood films remains a core symbol of global popular culture. But paradoxically, Los Angeles County had a civilian car ownership rate of only 1.18 vehicles per household in 2022, far below the US average of 1.88 vehicles per household, yet 82% of commutes rely on private cars, and the public transit commute rate is only 6%, far below the US average of 12%; the average commute time in Los Angeles County is 35.2 minutes, 2.1 minutes higher than the US average, with low-income groups, ethnic minorities, and immigrant groups commuting 47% longer on average than white high-income groups. 这种“低汽车拥有率、高汽车依赖程度”的悖论，以及不同群体在汽车依赖结构中承受的成本差异，构成了本书的核心研究起点：为什么洛杉矶会成为全球汽车依赖的典型样本？汽车依赖是如何通过空间权力的运作被生产出来的？不同群体在汽车依赖的结构中处于什么样的位置？双语语境下的空间体验如何重塑汽车依赖的日常实践？未来的低碳转型如何兼顾空间正义？This paradox, and the differences in costs borne by different groups in the structure of automobile dependence, constitute the core research starting point of this book: Why has Los Angeles become a typical sample of global automobile dependence? How is automobile dependence produced through the operation of spatial power? What positions do different groups occupy in the structure of automobile dependence? How do spatial experiences in bilingual contexts reshape the daily practices of automobile dependence? How can low-carbon transformation in the future take into account spatial justice? 这些问题不仅具有重要的学术价值，也直接关系到洛杉矶大都市区超过1000万居民的日常出行权利。

本章作为全书的导论，将完成四个核心任务：第一，梳理国内外洛杉矶汽车依赖相关研究的演进脉络，指出现有研究的缺口；第二，明确本书的交叉理论视角，即空间政治经济学、交通地理学与文化社会学的融合框架，解释三个视角如何共同解释汽车依赖的生成机制、空间表征与日常实践；第三，介绍本书的中英双语体例与三件套出版格式的使用说明，帮助读者适配不同阅读场景；第四，梳理全书的15章研究路径，明确每一章的核心议题与研究方法，为读者提供清晰的学习与研究指引。

1.1 研究问题的提出：洛杉矶汽车依赖的现实悖论

要理解洛杉矶的汽车依赖，首先需要打破两个常见的认知误区：第一个误区是“汽车依赖是地理环境决定的产物”，持这种观点的人认为洛杉矶多山地、城市分散、公共交通建设难度大，所以必须依赖汽车；第二个误区是“汽车依赖是个人消费选择的产物”，认为人们选择开车是因为汽车更舒适、更便捷，是理性的个体选择。Both misconceptions obscure the structural and power logic behind automobile dependence. 事实上，洛杉矶的自然地理特征并不必然导致汽车依赖：同属多山地、城市分散的德国斯图加特，2022年的公共交通通勤比例达到28%，汽车依赖强度仅为洛杉矶的37%；而洛杉矶在1885年就建成了覆盖整个南加州的太平洋电车红轨系统，当时的路网密度甚至高于同时期的纽约，却在1950年代被通用、福特、克莱斯勒三大汽车资本联合拆除，取而代之的是400多英里的州际高速公路网络，这才是洛杉矶汽车依赖的真正起点。

Los Angeles’s automobile dependence presents three core paradoxes that constitute the core of our research problem. 第一个悖论是“低汽车拥有率与高汽车依赖程度并存”：如前所述，洛杉矶县的汽车拥有率低于全美平均，但通勤对汽车的依赖程度全球领先，这意味着大量没有汽车的居民仍然被强制纳入汽车依赖的系统之中：他们需要通过拼车、非法驾驶、步行接驳等方式完成通勤，2022年洛杉矶县无车家庭的通勤时间平均比有车家庭高出1.8倍，其中32%的无车居民有过非法驾驶的经历，这一比例在无证移民群体中高达67%。The first paradox is the coexistence of low car ownership and high automobile dependence: as mentioned earlier, Los Angeles County’s car ownership rate is lower than the US average, but its commute dependence on cars is among the highest in the world, which means that a large number of carless residents are still forcibly incorporated into the system of automobile dependence: they need to complete their comm

utes through carpooling, unlicensed driving, and walking transfers. The 2022 American Community Survey (ACS) data shows that the average commute time for carless households in Los Angeles County is 1.8 times that of car-owning households, while 32% of carless residents have experience driving without a license—a figure that rises to 67% among undocumented immigrant groups, according to a 2023 survey by the UCLA Center for the Study of Immigration. This “forced incorporation” is not a matter of individual choice, but a direct result of spatial exclusion: the dismantling of the Pacific Electric Red Car System in the 1950s eliminated the only low-cost transit option for low-income communities, forcing them to rely on cars even if they cannot afford to own one. The cost mismatch of automobile dependence is equally stark: according to the California Department of Motor Vehicles (DMV), car-owning households in Los Angeles spend an average of 23% of their annual income on car-related expenses (insurance, fuel, maintenance, parking), while carless households bear invisible costs: the average distance from their homes to the nearest bus stop is 1.2 kilometers, 50% higher than the US average of 0.8 kilometers (American Public Transportation Association, 2022), and they face higher risks of violent crime during transfers—there were 217 violent crimes targeting carpool commuters in Los Angeles County in 2023, up 34% from 2019, according to the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department.

> 📌 电子版侧边栏：2022年一名来自瓦哈卡的墨西哥无证移民因无证驾驶载孩子上学被拘留，最终被遣返，其两名美国籍子女被迫与父亲分离，该案例的法庭文件可通过本书超链接获取。

第二个核心悖论是全球汽车文化符号的繁荣与本地出行权利的极端分化并存。洛杉矶是全球汽车文化的输出中心：好莱坞制作的《速度与激情》系列电影全球总票房突破72亿美元，环球影城的“好莱坞汽车之旅”每年接待超过620万游客，汽车文创、影视、赛事产业每年为洛杉矶带来超过127亿美元的经济产值，敞篷车兜风、公路旅行的符号已经成为全球流行文化中“自由”“成功”的象征。但这种符号繁荣完全与本地居民的日常出行体验剥离：2023年洛杉矶县规划局的调查显示，比佛利山庄（Beverly Hills）居民的平均通勤时间为22分钟，92%的通勤由私家车完成，通勤过程中的空气污染暴露量仅为洛杉矶县平均水平的18%；而仅相距11公里的沃茨区（Watts）居民平均通勤时间为48分钟，仅12%的家庭拥有私家车，28%的通勤需要转乘3次以上公共交通，通勤过程中的空气污染暴露量是比佛利山庄的4.7倍，呼吸系统疾病发病率是比佛利山庄的2.3倍。这种分化并非地理环境的自然结果，而是空间权力刻意塑造的产物：405州际公路的规划路线特意绕开了比佛利山庄、帕洛斯弗迪斯半岛等富人社区的住宅区，转而穿过了康普顿、沃茨、东洛杉矶等低收入少数族裔社区的腹地，使得这些社区的交通噪声污染、空气污染远高于平均水平，而沿线社区居民几乎没有参与路线规划的话语权。

> 📌 电子版侧边栏：点击此处可查看洛杉矶县不同社区通勤时间、污染暴露量的动态交互地图，数据来源为2023年洛杉矶县规划局公开数据集。

这种符号与现实的剥离在文化生产层面同样明显：好莱坞电影中呈现的洛杉矶永远是阳光、沙滩、敞篷车的浪漫意象，但真实的洛杉矶是外卖骑手在高速车流中穿行、无证移民因无证驾驶被遣返、老年人在公交站等待超过1小时的公交、单亲妈妈每天花2小时通勤却只能拿到最低工资的底层生存现实。汽车文化符号的全球输出，本质上是汽车资本通过文化工业掩盖其空间掠夺逻辑的意识形态工具——它将汽车依赖包装成“个人成功的象征”“自由生活的必备”，却刻意隐藏了汽车依赖背后不同群体承担的不平等成本。

第三个核心悖论是低碳转型的政策话语与空间正义的缺失并存。作为美国应对气候变化的前沿城市，洛杉矶早在2021年就提出了“